“ENDA KALAK SINGKEL” STRENGTHENING CONSCIOUSNESS OF COMMUNITY IDENTITY OF ACEH’S BORDER; ETHNIC CONTESTATION AND RELIGION IN SINGKIL

This study is an effort to look deeper into the movement to strengthen ethnic identity in Singkil, Aceh. Singkil is one of the border districts of Aceh, and is actually affiliated with the meaning of an area that is inhabited by cross-ethnic and religious communities. So far, the Singkil community has identified itself on a territorial basis; pesisir and hulu. The Singkil Pesisir community is characterized by the use of the Malay-Minang language and settling along the coast. As for the hulu community, they are often identified as part of Pakpak and Alas because they use the kampung language (similar to the Pakpak language), most of whom live on the edge of the Singkil river. Even so, in the last half decade, discourse emerged through a cultural movement initiated by a handful of elite hulu communities, by campaigning for the Singkel (original) term, accompanied by the rejection of Pakpak label as the identity of Singkel as self identity. The question arises as to why ethnic identity strengthens in the midst of the Singkil community's communal life, which should be integrated in one regional identity. The purpose of this study is to measure descriptively the strengthening of ethnic identity in Singkil Regency. The research method used is qualitative with a grounded research approach. Data was also collected through reading related to the study of identity and the Singkil community. The results of the study indicate, if the awareness of ethnic identity strengthens amid the diversity of the Singkil community due to several factors; socio-political, religious, economic conditions and denial of identification of outsiders to the Singkil hulu identity are Pakpak sub-ethnic groups which are seen as degrading.


A. INTRODUCTION
Aceh is one of the provinces in Indonesia, which is located at the northernmost tip of Sumatra, and also borders directly with the Province of North Sumatra. The districts / cities which are located adjacent to the neighboring provinces are known as "border districts." 1 This term does not merely refer to the location, social and cultural conditions that are different from most other regencies / cities in Aceh. The identity of the people in the border districts, generally no longer represent Aceh as the ethnic and Muslim majority. Tamiang Regency, for example, is a representation of ethnic Malay. Southeast Aceh Regency is an area inhabited by the majority ethnic Alas and Karo, with the largest number of churches in Aceh. Whereas Aceh Singkil Regency and Subulussalam City, which are the focus of this study, are areas inhabited by cross-ethnic communities; Singkil, Pakpak, Javanese, Aceh, Nias and Malay-Minang. 2 Singkil Regency was originally part of the South Aceh District, and split in 1999. In historical context, the "Singkel" area (old spelling) is a strategic porter, as well as camphor producers adjoining Barus. Since the 16th century AD, Singkil has been a melting pot of people from across the coast in Sumatra and merchants from outside (the Middle East and China). This strategic position also catapulted the names of Singkil and Barus to the map of world trade as a producer of lime (camphor) in its time. 3 After the historical traces of "Singkel lama" were buried along with successive natural disasters (earthquake and tsunami), Singkil is now only one of the districts on the Aceh border that is inhabited by a multi-cultural society. However, it is often stereotyped "left behind." 4 Ethnic diversity in Singkil is due to its position flanked by six districts / cities in Aceh and North Sumatra. In the context of local demographic understanding, Singkil residents often identify themselves based on two regions; Coastal Singkil and Singkil Hulu. On the coast, people use the Malay-Minang language (Singkil; baapo), and in the upstream population speak languages similar to the Pakpak and Alas ethnic groups (Singkil; kade-kade or kalak kampung).
Since blooming as a district, there have been two events that have arisen in Singkil concerning identity; friction in the construction of houses of worship (churches) and the recognition of the Singkil tribe. The term "Singkil tribe" was discussed by several actors from the old group (politicians, bureaucrats and local intellectuals), especially those from upstream Singkil. The term Singkil is a movement to identify the identity of the hulu community as the Singkil (native) tribe. They openly reject the Pakpak identity which is already pinned to the upstream Singkil. Moreover, since the conflict in the name of religion continues to swipe in Singkil, the term Pakpak has increasingly become stilted as non-Muslim residents from the upstream elite. Various reasons that the upstream Singkil are a Singkil tribe continue to be voiced. In fact, the culmination of the Singkil ethnic group's affirmation was the rejection of the construction of the Pakpak monument on 12 November 2019 in the City of Subulussalam.
Even so, this discourse has never arisen in coastal populations considered by the Jamee or Based on this background, the question arises as to why social identity thickens in the Singkil community which should be integrated in a unity of regional identity. What is the history of the development of the Singkil community group, and what factors influence the strengthening of the Singkil ethnic identity?

B. METHOD
This research is analytical descriptive in order to find a description of a situation with a grounded research approach. As written by Abdurrahman in the book Religion Research; Problems and Thought, grounded research is a qualitative approach that allows researchers without being bound or aiming to prove whether or not a theory has been put forward by experts. 5 As a method derived from cultural anthropology and sociology in America, qualitative methods always emphasize the perceptions and experiences of participants, and how they make sense of life. Therefore, the informant is placed as a subject (emic) who will be examined as a source of knowledge. 6 According to Abdurrahman, in the implementation of grounded research there is a technique known as constant comparison, which is the effort of researchers during the field to grow categories and concepts based on the reality obtained as a building analysis. Therefore, this method does not use random sampling instructions that are commonly used in quantitative structural research, bearing in mind that many analytical developments will emerge in the field.
Data collection starts from observations involved as an effort to understand the events themselves that are the focus of research, as said by Jorgensen "... direct observation is the primary method of gathering information." 7 Then proceed with the interview, both without a plan (unstandardized interview) but lead (focused interview). This effort is expected to provide data on information and views on the Singkil tribe that are reproduced by elites and identity movement actors in Singkil. As a form of research consistency, the researcher stays with the community for several months in order to explore the real situation. The researcher is an outsider in the community of Singkil Regency. So, the first step is to look for several key informants. Infroman is the main subject of knowledge sources in qualitative research.
Spradley gave two considerations in the selection of key informants; local people who understand and have mature experience. Furthermore, able to provide analysis and interpretation from the perspective of folk theory (local concept). 8 In this case, the key informant referred to the Singkil tribal leaders, political actors, and some of the Singkil cultural and cultural community associates at the study site.
In addition, in the process of collecting data, literature study becomes an inseparable part of a research. Before conducting research and during diving into events in the community, researchers continue to read, especially the culture of the area to be studied. From the literature study, researchers can get an understanding of the local culture, the history of Singkil, the narrative of identity elsewhere, and the description of the Singkil people who have been the focus of strengthening the identity of the Singkil Hulu's people.
The final stage is data analysis based on qualitative methods to answer research problems. Data analysis must be done with seriousness, foresight, and caution. In qualitative research, data collection and analysis must take place simultaneously. 9 Data analysis has started since the research process took place, where researchers must be clever, creative and sensitive to choose and sort out which data is important or not.

People, History and Culture of Singkil
The Aceh Center for Research and Cultural Values (BPNB) once issued a report entitled "Cultural Reports of the Singkil Nation," an assessment portraying Singkil culture as a community of people living in Aceh. From this report, Singkil is defined as an area of crosstribal human gathering flow, which now inhabits these border districts. Melalatoa, in the ethnic encyclopedia in Indonesia, briefly described the existence of these two groups as the face of the Singkil people, "... Villages, generally located in coastal areas, along rivers, and in hills. The house is usually built on wooden poles about three meters high from the ground, like a house on stilts. This house model is a combination of the coastal house model and the upstream river house. Houses upriver are often referred to as Sapo, while on the coast people call them khumah (houses). The basic shape of the two houses is the same, the inside is a large room without dividing walls. Family bedrooms are usually only limited by cloth curtains. The most basic difference is only in the attic, where the house is equipped with an attic while the sapo is not, how many vocabularies (maybe) have experienced modification, integration, and integration with Tapanuli and Minang languages -according to some informants who intensively told me, especially related to language development in society Singkel." 18 In fact, within these two large communities (Pesisir and Hulu), other ethnic groups on a minority scale, such as Aceh, Minang, Javanese, Nias, and Pakpak, also settled.  (2010), from 120 villages / villages spread across ten sub-districts in Singkil Regency, it can be seen the distribution of these ethnic groups. Therefore, Singkil is basically a home for ethnically integrated groups in one Singkil Regency identity.

Strengthening Awareness of Ethnic and Religious Identity in Singkil (Hulu).
As already explained, the meaning of Singkil was originally an area affiliated with a cross-ethnic and religious population composition. At first glance, on the surface it appears that people live side by side and get along well in the same dentity as "Singkil people." However, when immersed, appearing ripples of identity recognition based on ethnic and religious identity. Moreover, in the last half decade, the emergence of several associations in the name of the "savior of the Singkil tribe" has become increasingly transparent as a movement and public discourse for the Singkil identity for a group of people there.
One of the actors in the movement to save the Singkil tribe, from Rundeng, Subulussalam, DMH (57 years Therefore, their settlements are generally covered by old palm oil plantations. Some churches have been founded on deaconia which developed in Christian communities. The growth and development of the church is so rapid, triggering the social relations between Singkil residents. Moreover, considering that Singkil is part of Aceh which is identical with Islamic identity.
Between the Singkil Hulu and Pakpak communities do have many similarities, ranging from language to the use of clans. Similarities between Singkil and Pakpak according to the study of Alamsyah et al in their research report on language have phoneme closeness, and dialect in their pronunciation. 22 In addition, most clans are similar between the Muslim upstream community and the Christian Pakpak, such as Bancin, Cibro, Manik, Tumangger, and several others. Also, most of the upstream and Pakpak residents still admit that they are in the same ancestors line. 23 In fact, it is not uncommon in one Pakpak tribe family in Singkil, there are family members who embrace Islam and some others in Christianity. However, this phenomenon has never been found in upstream community settlements that settle on the banks of rivers. Because indeed, they are the majority of Muslims, although in the use of clans cannot be ignored, between the upstream and Pakpak are the same clan.
Some previous studies tend to include Singkil as an area inhabited by residents of Third, political motivation. Since Singkil became its own district, twice the local Regional Head (regent) is a representative of the upstream community clan. Demographically, the population of Singkil upstream is indeed more than that of coastal Singkil. However, in the third period, the elected regent was precisely from the Javanese transmigration clan.
Similar conditions also occur in Subulussalam, as a fractional municipality of Singkil Regency. Representatives were elected in the third period of the Pakpak clan. This condition, indirectly is a severe blow to the upstream community. So, when there was a discourse on the construction of the Pakpak tribe in Subulussalam City, there was a wave of rejection on 12 November 2019 by local students.
From a series of events that emerged in the middle of the Singkil community, the meaning of the Singkil people living in one region began to transform to form a new identification, the Singkil Tribe. This condition shifts the old definition from various studies that have included Singkil as sub-Pakpak, now Singkil is a tribe. In addition, friction of religious identity contributes to the thickening of the upstream community's identity as the Singkil tribe, as well as blurring the appearance of clans between the upstream community and Pakpak. Singkil (hulu) is Muslim, and Pakpak is Christian is an implied connotation. This condition, what is meant as the process of identity construction, starts from aspects of subjectivation, objectivation, to internalization. 30

D. CONCLUSION
The rise of ethnic awareness and the thickening of religious identity in Singkil has been a social dynamic in the last half decade on the Aceh border. From the description above, there are some important things to underline; First, community studies on the Aceh border must find a place in the context of social studies in Aceh, through this research it appears that people living in the Aceh border experience social dynamics and change as the region enters into Aceh, particularly from identity transformation.
Second, the people who inhabit Singkil Regency, can no longer be generalized and identified as the Pakpak Boang tribe, as is usual in previous studies that often identify the Singkil community is Pakpak. This condition is in line with the emergence of Singkil ethnic identity awareness. Also, Singkil as an area only identifies itself based on pesisir and hulu identity rather than Pakpak.
Third, the identity and thickening of Singkil's identity as a tribe that is driven by some upstream community actors, is a cultural response to their condition which has often been considered second-class people in the pace of Singkil development compared to coastal communities. In addition, the stereotype of Pakpak Boang pinned by other parties on the upstream Singkil identity seems very disturbing of their identity as Singkil people, the majority of whom embrace Islam and have long settled in Singkil Regency as a region that had triumphed in the 17th century AD.